Thirty-one states, three territories and the District of Columbia have voted.Entrance and exit polls have been conducted in 20 of those states. If you want to know which Americans Trump is performing best with — not in theory, but at the ballot box — you simply have to sift through the results.Most of the RAND and ISCP observations were borne out once Republicans started voting in February.In state after state — whether Trump finished first or not — entrance and exit polls have showed that he consistently garners a higher percentage of the vote among certain segments of the electorate than he does statewide.The list of indicators for supporting Trump runs long: voters over 45; voters who earn less than ,000 a year; voters (especially white voters) who didn’t graduate from college; voters from rural areas; voters who are “angry” at the government; voters who are “very worried” about the economy; voters who think trade “takes away” U. jobs; voters who fear that they are “falling behind”; voters who think that illegal immigrants ought to be deported; voters who believe that Muslims should be temporarily banned from entering the country; voters who are convinced that the GOP nominee should come from “outside the establishment”; voters who, above all else, want a president who “tells it like it is” or can “bring about needed change”; voters who settled on their candidate of choice more than a month ago — dig through the entrance and exit polls and you’ll find that these are the primary voters with whom Trump always overperforms.." data-reactid="34"And so a narrative has taken shape in the media: Trump supporters are white, male, undereducated, lower-income, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and angry — even racist. To be sure, some Trump fans — especially the ones sucker-punching black protesters at rallies — may resemble this stereotype.Yet relatively few Trump voters belong to every single one of the categories listed above; most of them answered yes to some (or even just one) of these questions and no to the rest.They also scored higher on measures of anti-Hispanic and anti-black prejudice than voters who would go on to back either Cruz or Marco Rubio — a theme that has continued to resurface in coverage of the 2016 contest. Contrary to popular belief, RAND found that a substantial proportion of the GOP primary electorate is relatively liberal on pocketbook issues: 51 percent “strongly” or “somewhat” favored increasing taxes on individuals who make more than 0,000 a year, for instance, while 38 percent had a favorable or very favorable opinion of labor unions.Trump performed especially well with these voters, outpacing Cruz by 45 percent among Republicans who “strongly favor” raising taxes on the rich and 37 percent among Republicans who feel “very favorably” toward labor unions." data-reactid="29"The RAND poll fleshed out these observations.
But in 2007, compared to those who would later support Cruz, they were far more likely to oppose keeping troops in Iraq — a position that neatly aligns with Trump’s.
Yet they were more populist on economic issues as well: slightly more supportive of government spending in general, a bit less likely to favor repealing Obamacare, and far more hostile toward NAFTA.
In 2012, they were markedly less likely to have favored a pathway to citizenship for illegal immigrants.
2016 RAND Presidential Election Panel and the Institute for the Study of Citizens and Politics panel at the University of Pennsylvania — have returned again and again to the same respondents, measuring how their perspectives and preferences have changed over time." data-reactid="19"At the same time, researchers have been busy probing the electorate’s attitudes, intentions and choices.
Two of the most interesting polling projects — the 2016 RAND Presidential Election Panel and the Institute for the Study of Citizens and Politics panel at the University of Pennsylvania — have returned again and again to the same respondents, measuring how their perspectives and preferences have changed over There is, in other words, no shortage of data on Trump supporters. It can tell you a lot about big groups of people, but it doesn’t tell you all that much about the people themselves. Then we circled back, spending hours with each of them, asking about their lives, their hopes, their fears and, of course, their fondness for Trump. Polls and studies have taught us a lot about the Trump phenomenon.